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Livy · History of Rome §41.24.1-41.24.20

Archo's Speech and Postponement of the Achaean Decision

Passage 1586 of 1770 · Latin

Summary

Archo refutes Callicrates, arguing that they should maintain peaceful and practical trade relations with Macedonia rather than stir up unnecessary hostility to flatter the Romans. However, the decision is postponed due to the indignation of the leaders, and subsequent envoys from the king are rejected.

§41.24.1post hunc Archo, frater Xenarchi praetoris, ita disseruit: “difficilem orationem Callicrates et mihi et omnibus, qui ab eo dissentimus, fecit:
After him, Archo, the brother of the praetor Xenarchus, spoke as follows: "Callicrates has made it difficult to speak, both for me and for all of us who disagree with him.
§41.24.2agendo enim Romanae societatis causam ipse temptarique et oppugnari dicendo, quam nemo neque temptat neque oppugnat, effecit, ut, qui ab se dissentiret, adversus Romanos dicere videretur.
For by pleading the cause of the Roman alliance himself and by saying that it was being assailed and attacked—which no one is either assailing or attacking—he has made it seem that anyone who disagrees with him is speaking against the Romans.
§41.24.3ac primum omnium, tamquam non hic nobiscum fuisset, sed aut ex curia populi Romani veniret aut regum arcanis interesset, omnia scit et nuntiat, quae occulte facta sunt.
And first of all, as if he had not been here with us, but had either come from the senate-house of the Roman people or had been present at the secrets of kings, he knows and reports everything that was done in secret.
§41.24.4divinat etiam, quae futura fuerint, si Philippus vixisset, quid ita Perseus regni heres sit, quid parent Macedones, quid cogitent Romani.
He even divines what would have happened if Philip had lived, why Perseus is thus the heir to the kingdom, what the Macedonians are preparing, and what the Romans are thinking.
§41.24.5nos autem, qui nec ob quam causam nec quem ad modum perierit Demetrius scimus, nec, quid Philippus, si vixisset, facturus fuerit, ad haec, quae palam geruntur, consilia nostra accommodare oportet.
We, however, who neither know for what reason nor in what manner Demetrius perished, nor what Philip would have done if he had lived, ought to adapt our counsels to these things which are done openly.
§41.24.6ac scimus Persea regno accepto regem a populo Romano appellatum; audimus legatos Romanos venisse ad regem Persea et eos benigne exceptos.
And we know that Perseus, having received the kingdom, was called king by the Roman people; we hear that Roman ambassadors came to king Perseus and were kindly received.
§41.24.7haec omnia pacis equidem signa esse iudico, non belli; nec Romanos offendi posse, si ut bellum gerentes eos secuti sumus, nunc quoque pacis auctores sequamur.
All these things indeed I judge to be signs of peace, not of war; nor can the Romans be offended if, just as we followed them when they were waging war, we now also follow them when they are promoters of peace.
cur quidem nos inexpiabile omnium soli bellum adversus regnum Macedonum geramus, non video.
Why indeed we alone of all should wage an inexpiable war against the kingdom of the Macedonians, I do not see.
§41.24.8opportuni propinquitate ipsa Macedoniae sumus? an infirmissimi omnium, tamquam, quos nuper subegit, Dolopes? immo contra ea vel viribus nostris, deum benignitate, vel regionis intervallo tuti.
Are we exposed because of the very proximity of Macedonia? Or are we the weakest of all, like the Dolopes whom he lately subdued? On the contrary, we are safe either by our own strength, through the favor of the gods, or by the distance of our region.
§41.24.9sed simus aeque subiecti ac Thessali Aetolique: nihilo plus fidei auctoritatisque habemus adversus Romanos, qui semper socii atque amici fuimus, quam Aetoli, qui paulo ante hostes fuerunt?
But suppose we are as subject as the Thessalians and the Aetolians: do we, who have always been allies and friends, have no more credit and authority with the Romans than the Aetolians, who a little while ago were enemies?
§41.24.10quod Aetolis, quod Thessalis, quod Epirotis, omni denique Graeciae cum Macedonibus iuris est, idem et nobis sit.
Whatever right the Aetolians, the Thessalians, the Epirots, and indeed all Greece have with the Macedonians, let the same be ours.
cur execrabilis ista nobis solis velut dissertio iuris humani est?
Why is that detestable secession, as it were, from human law for us alone?
§41.24.11fecerit aliquid Philippus, cur adversus eum armatum et bellum gerentem hoc decerneremus; quid Perseus, novus rex, omnis iniuriae insons, suo beneficio paternas simultates obliterans, meruit, cur soli omnium hostes ei simus?
Granted that Philip had done something to make us pass this decree against him when he was armed and waging war; what has Perseus deserved, a new king, innocent of all wrongdoing, who by his own kindness is effacing his father's enmities, that we alone of all should be his enemies?
§41.24.12quamquam et illud dicere poteram, tanta priorum Macedoniae regum merita erga nos fuisse, ut Philippi unius iniurias, si quae forte fuerunt, utique post mortem obliterent.
Although I could also have said that the merits of the former kings of Macedonia towards us were so great that they should efface the wrongs of Philip alone—if by chance there were any—especially after his death.
§41.24.13non venit in mentem, cum exercitu Elatiae esset, triduum nos in concilio fuisse consultantis, utrum Romanos an Philippum sequeremur?
Does it not come to your mind that when he was at Elatia with his army, we were in council for three days debating whether we should follow the Romans or Philip?
§41.24.14nihil metus praesens ab Romanis sententias nostras inclinarit: fuit certe tamen aliquid, quod tam longam deliberationem faceret; idque erat vetusta coniunctio cum Macedonibus, vetera et magna in nos regum merita.
No immediate fear of the Romans turned our opinions; yet there was certainly something that made so long a deliberation; and that was our ancient connection with the Macedonians, and the old and great merits of the kings towards us.
§41.24.15valeant et nunc eadem illa, non ut praecipue amici, sed ne praecipue inimici simus.
Let those same considerations prevail now also, not that we should be exceptional friends, but that we should not be exceptional enemies.
ne id, quod non agitur, Callicrates, simulaverimus agi.
Let us not pretend, Callicrates, that what is not being discussed is being discussed.
nemo novae societatis aut novi foederis, quo nos temere inligemus, conscribendi est auctor; §41.24.16sed commercium tantum iuris praebendi repetendique sit, ne interdictione finium nostrorum nos quoque terminis regni arceamus; ne servis nostris aliquo fugere liceat, quid hoc adversus Romana foedera est?
No one is the proposer of drafting a new alliance or a new treaty, by which we would rashly bind ourselves; but let there be only commerce, of offering and seeking justice, lest by the barring of our territories we also are excluded from the boundaries of the kingdom; lest our slaves are allowed to flee somewhere—how is this against the Roman treaties?
§41.24.17quid rem parvam et apertam magnam et suspectam facimus?
Why do we make a small and clear matter great and suspicious?
§41.24.18quid vanos tumultus ciemus? quid, ut ipsi locum adsentandi Romanis habeamus, suspectos alios et invisos efficimus? si bellum erit, ne Perseus quidem dubitat, quin Romanos secuturi simus; in pace, etiam si non finiuntur odia, intermittantur. ” §41.24.19cum iidem huic orationi, qui litteris regis adsensi erant, adsentirentur, indignatione principum, quod, quam rem ne legatione quidem dignam iudicasset Perseus, litteris paucorum versuum impetraret, decretum differtur.
Why do we stir up groundless tumults? Why, so that we ourselves may have an opportunity of flattering the Romans, do we make others suspected and hated? If there is war, not even Perseus doubts that we will follow the Romans; in peace, even if enmities are not ended, let them be suspended." When the same men who had agreed to the king's letter agreed to this speech, the decision was postponed because of the indignation of the leading men that Perseus should obtain, by a letter of a few lines, a matter which he had judged not even worthy of an embassy.
§41.24.20legati deinde postea missi ab rege, cum Megalopoli concilium esset, dataque opera est ab iis, qui offensionem apud Romanos timebant, ne admitterentur.
Afterwards, ambassadors sent by the king arrived when the council was at Megalopolis, and careful effort was made by those who feared offending the Romans that they should not be admitted.

Notes

  1. 41.24.4quae futura fuerint — A perfect subjunctive of the active periphrastic conjugational form (future participle + `esse`) in an indirect question, representing a counterfactual future prospect in the past ("what would have happened [if Philip had lived]").
  2. 41.24.11fecerit aliquid Philippus — A perfect subjunctive of concession ("suppose Philip did something"). Combined with the following `cur` clause (`cur... decerneremus`), it forms a concessive condition: "even if it is because Philip did something that we passed this decree."
  3. 41.24.15simulaverimus — A perfect subjunctive of prohibition or strong exhortation ("let us not pretend"). Used in the first person plural with `ne` to express a polite but firm restriction.

Cite this passage

Livy, History of Rome §41.24.1-41.24.20. Humanitext Reader, https://reader.humanitext.ai/en/text/urn:cts:latinLit:phi0914.phi001.humanitext-lat2:41.24.1-41.24.20

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