§37.25.1magnam Romanis laetitiam prius victoriae nuntius, deinde adventus attulit Rhodiorum; §37.25.2et apparebat, si Rhodiis ea cura dempta fuisset, vacuos eos tuta eius regionis maria praestaturos.
The news of the victory first, and then the arrival of the Rhodians, brought great joy to the Romans; and it was apparent that, if that care had been removed from the Rhodians, they, being unencumbered, would have rendered the seas of that region safe.
sed profectio Antiochi ab Sardibus metusque inde, ne opprimerentur maritimae urbes, abscedere custodia Ioniae atque Aeolidis prohibuerunt; §37.25.3Pamphilidam cum quattuor navibus tectis ad eam classem, quae circa Patara erat, miserunt.
But the departure of Antiochus from Sardis and the fear resulting from it, lest the maritime cities should be overwhelmed, prevented [them] from departing from the guard of Ionia and Aeolis; they sent Pamphilidas with four decked ships to that fleet which was around Patara.
§37.25.4Antiochus non civitatium modo, quae circa se erant, contrahebat praesidia, sed ad Prusiam Bithyniae regem legatos miserat litterasque, quibus transitum in Asiam Romanorum increpabat: §37.25.5venire eos ad omnia regna tollenda, ut nullum usquam terrarum nisi Romanum imperium esset; §37.25.6Philippum, Nabim expugnatos; se tertium peti; ut quisque proximus ab oppresso sit, per omnis velut continens incendium pervasurum; §37.25.7ab se gradum in Bithyniam fore, quando Eumenes in voluntariam servitutem concessisset.
Antiochus was not only drawing together garrisons from the cities which were around him, but had also sent ambassadors and a letter to Prusias, the king of Bithynia, in which he censured the passage of the Romans into Asia: namely, that they were coming to destroy all kingdoms, so that there should be no empire anywhere in the world except the Roman; that Philippus and Nabis had been overcome; that he himself was sought as the third; that as each one was nearest to the oppressed, the fire would spread through all like a continuous conflagration; that after him the step would be into Bithynia, since Eumenes had submitted to voluntary servitude.
§37.25.8his motum Prusiam litterae Scipionis consulis, sed magis fratris eius Africani, ab suspicione tali averterunt, qui praeter consuetudinem perpetuam populi Romani augendi omni honore regum sociorum maiestatem, domesticis ipse exemplis Prusiam ad promerendam amicitiam suam compulit: §37.25.9regulos se acceptos in fidem in Hispania reges reliquisse; Masinissam non in patrio modo locasse regno, sed in Syphacis, a quo ante expulsus fuisset, regnum imposuisse; §37.25.10et esse eum non Africae modo regum longe opulentissimum, sed toto in orbe terrarum cuivis regum vel maiestate vel viribus parem. §37.25.11Philippum et Nabim, hostis et bello superatos ab T. Quinctio, tamen in regno relictos. §37.25.12Philippo quidem anno priore etiam stipendium remissum et filium obsidem redditum; et quasdam civitates extra Macedoniam patientibus Romanis imperatoribus recepisse eum. in eadem dignitate et Nabim futurum fuisse, nisi eum suus primum furor, deinde fraus Aetolorum absumpsisset.
From such suspicion Prusias, who had been moved by these communications, was diverted by a letter from the consul Scipio, but still more by one from his brother Africanus, who, besides the perpetual custom of the Roman people of increasing the majesty of allied kings with every honor, himself urged Prusias by domestic examples to deserve his friendship: namely, that in Spain he had left as kings the chieftains whom he had received into alliance; that he had not only established Masinissa in his paternal kingdom, but had also placed upon him the kingdom of Syphax, by whom he had previously been expelled; and that he was not only by far the most opulent of the kings of Africa, but was equal in majesty and power to any of the kings in the whole world; that Philippus and Nabis, though enemies and overcome in war by Titus Quinctius, had nevertheless been left in their kingdoms; that to Philippus indeed, in the preceding year, even the tribute had been remitted and his hostage son restored; and that he had recovered certain cities outside Macedonia, with the permission of the Roman generals; and that Nabis would have been in the same dignity, had not his own madness first, and then the treachery of the Aetolians, destroyed him.
§37.25.13maxime confirmatus est animus regis, postquam ad eum C. Livius, qui praetor ante classi praefuerat, legatus ab Roma venit et edocuit, §37.25.14quanto et spes victoriae certior Romanis quam Antiocho et amicitia sanctior firmiorque apud Romanos futura esset.
The mind of the king was most especially strengthened after Gaius Livius, who had previously commanded the fleet as praetor, came to him as an ambassador from Rome and explained how much more certain the hope of victory was for the Romans than for Antiochus, and how much more sacred and firm friendship would be among the Romans.